By Manas Paul- For New Delhi there is something indeed unsettling in Bangladesh. China according to newspaper reports on Wednesday (September 15, 2010) had successfully prevailed upon Myanmarese military junta to allow their territory to directly connect China with Chittagong. Besides, as the situation stands today soon China would lay its hand on Chittagong port for up-gradation and begin construction of a deep sea port at Sonadia island -nine sq.km picturesque tourist spot-located on the Bay of Bengal-seven kms off Cox Bazaar port.
On 15 September, 2010 Bangladeshi newspapers reported that Chinese ambassador to Bangladesh
Zhang Xianyi told Dhaka authorities on last Tuesday that Myanmar had agreed to the proposal for construction of a tri-nation highway connecting Chittagong and the Chinese city of Kunming in Yunan province through Myanmar. The message was conveyed to the Bangladesh minister for forests and environment, Hasan Mahmud. "Myanmar had kept its decision pending to a similar proposal made by Bangladesh earlier", the minister said.
China and Bangladesh both are also going ahead with two more proposals.- Chinese assistance for up-gradation of Chittagong port and creation of a 'deep sea port' in Sonadia Island.
"Xianyi told us that China would now provide support in the construction of the planned 'deep sea port' at Sonadi
a", Mahmud said.
In March this year, two months after her visit to India, Sheikh Hasina had gone to Beijing and requested Chinese President Hu Jintao to build the China -Chittagong road through Myanmar. The proposal had actually been first floated by her predecessor Begum Khaleda Zia in 2003.
China-Myanmar-Bangladesh tri-national highway, Beijing's imminent presence in Chittagong and Dhaka's interest to Chinese offer to Sonadia port construction, would inevitably pose serious geo-strategic threat to India and affect New Delhi's maritime interest. Both Chittagong and Sonadia would give China direct access to the Bay of Bengal and in extension to the Indian Ocean.
China had already got considerable trade and infrastructure development projects. Bilateral trade between Dhaka and Beijing is expected to increase to US$ 5 billion in 2010 from US$ 4.58 billion in 2009.
During her China visit in March this year Hasina surely kept in mind the strengthening Sino-Bangla economic cooperation. A joint communique was issued which said: The two sides decided to establish a "closer Comprehensive Partnership of Cooperation" between China and Bangladesh from the strategic perspective and on the basis of the principles of longstanding friendship, equality and mutual benefit.
Sheikh Hasina was open in her invitation to China. News items published on March 19, 2010 in various foreign newspapers said:
"China can be benefited by using the deep seaport while all neighboring countries also can use it," she stated as a key speaker at the Bangladesh-China Business Forum. She also invited Chinese investors to put money in Bangladesh's promising sectors like textiles, small machineries, fertilisers, footwear and ceramics.
"I would urge you to invest in Bangladesh which would be lucrative as well as strengthen further our two countries' relation," Hasina said.
The prime minister said at present, 55 Chinese enterprises with proposed investment of US $ 292 million has been invested creating job for over 45,000 Bangladeshis.
China was immediately responsive in agreeing to construction of eighth Bangladesh-China Friendship Bridge, Water Purification Project in Pagla, Financial and Technical support for construction of power plant in Bangladesh, strengthening organisational cooperation between China National Hybrid Rice Research Centre and Bangladesh Rice Research Institutes and waiving Chinese loan, besides China "Chittagong road link and port developments..Earlier in July 2006, China had declared zero tariff access for 84 Bangladeshi items, and preferential access under Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement.
The Sino-Bangla relations that began with Gen Zia Ur Rahaman's visit to China in 1977 evidently took a leap forward with successive regimes despite the fact that Beijing was opposed to creation of Bangladesh with support from India during Liberation War in 1971. China, in fact, quite openly sided with Pakistan in 1971 with Henry Kissinger visiting Beijing and meeting Mao Ze Dong on behalf of Nixon to garner support for Yahiya Khan.
However, in diplomacy things change fast and take an uncharted journey. Now China finds Chittagong an important destination to encircle India and breathe on her neck.
Beijing had already got access to and strengthened its maritime interest in Arabian sea and Indian Ocean through Gwador port in Pakistan, Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka, Kyakpiu in Myanmar. A news item in Indian media on September 17, 2010 said that China would also develop a facility off the Colombo port. No Indian agency or compnay bid for the project. (No Indian company or govt run agency had participated for Hambantota also).
China had created its huge naval base in Gwador in Pakistan.. The Karakoram highway that begins from Kashgar passes through 5,180 sq kms area -'Trans-Karakoram Tract' that in 1963 Pakistan ceded to China--through Gilgit Baltistan to Havelian in Abbotabad near Islamabad would eventually be connected to Gwador. In fact, it is through this route that recently 11,000 People's Liberation Army of China entered to Pakistan.
Besides, from Kashgar another road passing through Aksai Chin would also connect Lhasa in Tibet and then would be extended up to Kunming in Yunan province. This Lhasa- Kunming road would pass through an area not very far from Indian Himalayan frontier across Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
From Kunming the roads would then connect Chittagong with the proposed tri-national highway.
On last September 10 China flagged off the construction of a road and oil and gas pipeline from Kyakpiu to Kunming (An'ning City) in Yunan in its own territory while Construction of the pipeline's Myanmar section began in June.
"The 2,380-km long oil pipeline will end in Kunming City, capital of Yunnan. It is expected to carry 22 million tonnes of crude oil per annum to China from the Middle East and Africa". "The natural gas pipeline will be even longer, running from Kunming into Guizhou Province and the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in south China for a total length of 2,806 km. It is expected to transport 12 billion cubic meters of gas to China every year. The project is the fourth way for oil and natural gas to enter China, after ocean shipping, the Sino-Kazakhstan pipelines and the Sino-Russian crude oil pipeline", said Global times of China on Saturday.
The project is aimed at transporting oil and gas from Africa and Middle East region to Kyakpiu by ship and then to China. The project would be completed in 2013. China's largest oil firm & parent company of PetroChina, CNPC was entrusted with the task of is building and operating the pipeline.
Intelligence reports had confirmed that while China had already got access to the Myanmar naval base in Hanggyi Island, it had for long been running monitoring stations at Coco Island, north of India's Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
China also completed first phase of Hambantota port in southern part of Sri Lanka which they claim to be a purely commercial project. However, experts feel that since the Gwador is located in Baluchistan in case of any trouble there Beijing would easily shift their base to Hambantota and have effective influence in the Indian Ocean. The three phase Hambantota project would complete in 2023.
Needless to say, after Gwador in Pakistan, Hambantota in Sri Lanka and Kyakpiu in Myanmar, Beijing succeeded in adding one more bead to its Indian Ocean centric geo-strategic policy-'String of Pearls' connecting Chittagong port in Bangladesh by road and also to strengthening its presence in Bangladesh considerably.
Close to North East India, Beijing's strong foothold in Myanmar and emerging presence in Bangladesh with many projects in hand would serve several purposes. While it had ostensible economic plans and hidden military components, the strong strides of dragon in the region is also considered as well-defined Chinese counter-strategy to Indian Look East policy.
This is a development that bears serious implications for Tripura which seeks an opening to the Indian Ocean through Chittagong port from Sabrum. Sabrum located in southern most part of Tripura is only 75 kms from Chittagong port.
The clearly visible 'String of Pearls' policy not only encircles India effectively with far reaching economic implications but also contains her reach and strategic maritime interest and influence in the Indian Ocean. China's 85 percent of fuel requirement is supplied from Africa and Middle East. The fuel shipment passes through Indian Ocean, Malacca strait to South China Sea to reach mainland. Gwador port located near Gulf of Harmuz and having access to Gulf of Eden helps China monitor its fuel shipment while Hambantota would serve Chinese purpose of extending its influence in the Indian Ocean. Kyakpiu, Chittagong and Sonadia ports would help China to transport its fuel land transportation facilities avoiding Malacca strait and South China Sea. In fact Global Times said , The Kunming-Kyakpiu oil pipeline would save 1,200 km of fuel shipping. In Malacca Strait Indian presence from Port Blair is strong and in South China Sea US seeks to unsettle Beijing's hegemony. Not only Hillary Clinton in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) meet in Hanoi in July last clearly announced US stand on this but also Washington held joint naval drills with Vietnam and South Korea "much to Beijing's dismay only two months ago.
Note : maps source Internet modification done by author. Not on scale.
Thursday, September 16, 2010
BANGLADESH RIDING THE DRAGON
Monday, August 30, 2010
THE DRAGON BREATHES ON NECK, AS WE LOOK EAST
By Manas Paul
Is India with her 'intensified engagement' in South East Asia through 'Look East Policy', capable enough of effectively facing the increased Chinese strategic options in the region and in Indian Ocean?
As Sudhir Devare former Ambassador and Secretary to MEA who was also actively involved in formulating the much ambitious Look East policy pointed out, this policy has two important components- socio-political and strategic. He had pointed out that the strategic imperatives -which would include traditional and non-traditional security, maritime security, economic interdependence, energy security, human security etc -would also pave the way for greater dialogue and cooperation among the countries concerned. And, he felt, going by her strong presence already in place in this region India could very well meet the Chinese initiatives.
However, Devare, who recently visited Tripura central University and held media interaction on Wednesday (25 August 2010) , felt that in pursuing this policy, India is actually rediscovering its 'eastern identity. He sought to tone down the strategic threat in the region that emerges from the growing Chinese maritime efforts in the Indian Ocean.
"We need not to be unnecessarily concerned at the Chinese initiatives and efforts in the region. We have adequate naval strength in the Indian Ocean", he said adding that despite disputes and suspicions at some areas New Delhi and Beijing can still carry on dialogue at larger Indo-China relations and cooperation.
"Our Look East policy is not directed against anybody or responsive to Chinese initiatives".
Devare maintained that the 'Look East' approach-which brought 'a direct interface for Northeast region with Myanmar and Bangladesh'- should be seen on the backdrop of the broad political situation, and rapid as well as sustained economic growth especially in infrastructure and consumer goods in the Asia-Pacific with an aim for regional integration within Asia.
Devare said, 'Look East Policy's one of the most important component was dialogue among Southeast Asian countries, both bilaterally and regionally at ASEAN level. For India it would also provide a useful opportunity to interact at regional platform, namely the ASEAN'.
But despite this hope facts stand today, in the Look East policy that the security imperatives in the policy were not expressive enough -at least as far as countering the aggressive Han Chinese initiatives in the region -specially its Blue Water ambitions -are concerned. In fact, so far, virtually except the RITE's Sittwe port construction in Myanmar -that would follow Kaladan river project to give an opening to North East India's Mizoram to the South East Asia, there was not much headway in infrastructure creation to implement the Look East Policy.
On the other hand China is actively and aggressively involved in adding one after another pearl to its 'String of Pearl' policy. A cursory look at the Chinese options in the region would make it amply clear that the Dragon is indeed breathing down on the Tiger's neck.
China had, for the last few years, been trying to strengthen its presence in South East Asia especially in creating infrastructures and increasing its trade and foreign investment relations. But, behind the economic initiatives there is clearly a strategic and military ambition on the part of Beijing for strengthening its maritime presence in the Indian Ocean.
China at present is actively involved in 1200 miles long oil and gas pipeline from Myanmar's Kyaukpyu Port on the Bay of Bengal to southwest China. The pipelines will cross Kunming in Yunnan Province and pass through Guizhou province to Chongqing in southwest China. Besides, China will also upgrade Kyaukpyu port in Arakan.
For China the Myanmarese port of Kyaukpyu port is also strategically important. Through this port Beijing will be able to import natural gas and oil from the Middle East and Africa - the two countries that supply about 85 percent of its oil demand. The Myanmar project will also help Beijing gain direct foray into the Indian Ocean avoiding Malacca Strait where Indian strategic presence is strong, and the South China Sea as well.
(The USA contested the Chinese sole claim on South China Sea. The USA needs the sea to be out of Chinese influence for free movement of its ships and aircraft. China's dispute with Vietnam over South China Sea is also a major issue for Beijing).
Apart from Myanmar China is also taking active interest in Bangladesh developing Chittagong Port and a deep sea port at Sonadia Island at the Bay of Bengal. But the most ambitious strategic Chinese project that is being envisaged is the proposed Bangladesh road link that would connect Chittagong to Kunming in Yunnan via Gumdum in Myanmar and would also bypass Malacca Strait.
As the present Awami League government in Bangladesh kept open its option for Chinese assistance, Beijing is also likely to fund for Pagla Water Treatment Plant and the Shahjalal Fertiliser Factory as well as development of telecommunication sector there. Foreign Minister Dipu Moni was recently reported to have commented that China assured more investment in Bangladesh, and was ready to 'reduce the bilateral trade imbalance'. In that case Beijing will also include more Bangladeshi products to have duty-free access to China.
Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is also reported to have taken open interest in Chinese investments in her country.
While China is presently actively involved in exploring and strengthening its business and Indian Ocean centric strategic possibilities in Myanmar and Bangladesh, it has already gained strong foot hold in Hambantota in southern part of Sri Lanka and in Gawador in Pakistan. China is already engaged developing a massive port in Hambantota which will give Beijing a strong presence in the Indian Ocean while the already developed Gawador gave the Chinese direct access to the Arabian Sea.
The Hambantota project is estimated to be of US $ one billion and will be completed by 2023. Beijing claims that Hambantota would not be turned into a Chinese naval base but in case of Gawador in Pakistan China is keen to refuel and re-stock its ship to be deployed in Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden.
The Look East policy clearly did not have matching security imperatives in it.
KILLING WITH A HUMAN FACE
By Manas Paul
"I have never killed a man, but I have read many obituaries with great pleasure." Clarence Darrow.
As a seminar on Human rights violations in Counter Insurgency Operations gets underway in Prajna Bhawan organized by Tripura Police and Institute of Social Science from today (August 4, 2010) where police officials at various ranks would be discussing one of the most convoluted yet most difficult tasks they face at field level operations, some points also need public appreciation.
Tripura being one of the three states after Mizoram and Punjab where peace returned after decades old armed conflicts is perhaps the right place for holding such a seminar on the important civil right issue. Because it is here that despite bloody engagements for years together the rate of Human Rights violations is extremely low- barring two glaring examples of Ujan Maidan in 1989 and Kutnabari in 1999.
The title of the seminar ‘Human Rights in Counter Insurgency’ first needs clarification. Expectedly the seminar would not confine its deliberations to Tripura only but would dwell extensively with global and national perspectives at backdrop.
But when the word ‘Insurgency’ is used one must keep in mind that in Tripura the armed violence committed by a section of tribal youths since early eighties never graduated to ‘Insurgency’ in its classical connotation. So, in Tripura perspective the title Human Rights in Counter Insurgency would be ‘misplaced’ if not altogether a misnomer.
There are clear parameters to define ‘insurgency’, ‘terrorism’ and ‘militancy’. And as such the task of maintaining Human Rights while dealing with various forms of violent insurrections or acts by non-state actors is shaped by different levels of personal and institutional understanding of the ground situations and restraints.
The question of quantum of force while dealing with the non-state armed actors in field level, especially when it calls for an instantaneous decision, is, indeed, a difficult task for men in uniform. That it poses real dilemma for the security and police officials and personnel was clearly stated by none other than the Chief Justice of Gauhati High Court M B Lokur himself in his key note address in the inaugural session of the seminar. The CJ did neither delve deep into the dilemma nor did he touch upon the various forms of armed violence.
But Human Rights issue is, perhaps, the most important factor in any conflict zone and in dealing with non-state armed actors due to such ‘dilemma’ security personnel or policemen can end up in taking wrong decision resulting in blatant infringement of human rights. The basic idea of Human Rights warrants that it cannot even be denied to the people even if they are engaged in posing serious threat to human life and dignity and civil security in general. In this context it is imperative that we should understand the different meanings and characters of the ‘insurgency’, 'terrorism’ and 'militancy' at first and inherent problems-dilemma- that might come in taking strategic as well as instantaneous decisions for combating the menace.
For example, the reflex and reactions of the security forces or police acting against a Maoist rebel ready to fight the representatives of the ‘oppressive Indian state’ will definitely be, and expected to be, different than his reactions against a Jihadi or Fidayen terrorist from Pakistan or some Afghan mountain who, armed with explosive vests and AKs, is set to indiscriminate manslaughter and kill as many innocents as possible before blowing himself up to his heaven and hurries. Practically, the same security man or police will have different sets of restraint levels and thus at the end different explanations of sacredness of Human Rights.
Coming back to the connotations of armed violence, ‘insurgency’ has been characterised by several parameters. Among them five important factors are:
It is an armed violence committed by a disgruntled section of the society that was till recently been an integral part of the system.
Guided by ideological or strong ethno-centric motivation, they take up arms to fight against the power that be, alien powers included.
They should have a clear, well defined political and armed command structure and hierarchy
They should have some popular support at local level as well as in other sections of the society like intelligentsia, NGOs and pressure groups
And they should have a liberated zone that they seek to expand continuously among others until they capture state power or secede from the homogenous land or drive out others from it
In that sense Maoists in India and Nepal very well fit in the category.
Terrorism - is certainly a broad and all encompassing word that remains in use since the time of Jacobean period of France. In fact from the time of Robespierre there were hundreds of people Hitler, Stalin, Pol Pot to Rwandan or Yugoslavian characters who had resorted to terror tactics to eliminate whomever they felt were in opposition. But, of late, terrorism in Indian context is used to Jihadi terrorism abetted, aided and exported to India from Pakistan. The terrorism of Jihadi kind can be determined by some obvious factors. Broadly they are:
They do not have any clear cut political and armed hierarchy. Al Qaeda is actually a ‘Base’ and it formed the International Islamic Front (IIF) in 1998 with several member organizations. The IIF members or for that matter non-member Islamic Jihadi outfits were free to operate and launch terror campaign on their own at their local levels and were also allowed to transport their terrorists to any other country to commit operations.
Jihadi terrorists are guided by staunch Wahabi Islamic ideology to create a Dar-ul-Islam (Islamic world) which is not limited to any political boundary of a nation state or country. They are not disgruntled group but brainwashed and indoctrinated zombies picked up from backwater localities as well as from important universities. They come from all possible strata of life - Osama Bin Laden from Wealthy Arabian family, an Egyptian doctor Ayman Al Zwahari, an educated engineer in the name of Mohammed Atta from Germany, to a Taliban from rustic Afghan or SWAT province in Pakistan or Sudan.
Their sworn enemies are infidels belonging to non - Islamic faiths like the Jews, Christians, Hindus etc. But in their operations they do not target - like insurgents- specifically but prefer to kill by way of mercenary attacks or bomb explosions or by any violent means as many as possible to undermine the governments run or influenced by infidels.
They, however, are not inclined to capture political power
And their operations are neither confined to any specific areas or boundary and nor there is any scope for any peace negotiations with them.
On the other hand the militancy is characterized by violent activities committed by a group of disgruntled people who feel that they should have their own areas of self determination and rule in their ethno centric homogenous political area. The broad characteristics of the militants are :
Militants function in particular areas of their influence
They mainly target-like insurgents, representatives of the government in power
But unlike insurgents they are neither guided by any motivation to capture the state power in the entire country and put in place a particular ideologically guided government
More often their fight-due to their ethno-centric characters- ultimately boils down to communal confrontations and the targeted victims become their immediate neighbours outside their own ethnic community
There is always scope for peace and political negotiations with them and arrival at a long lasting settlement. And as such militants who once carried out armed violence can very well be absorbed in the society and be allowed to participate in overall development activities.
Considering all these characters North East India’s armed organizations are by and large militants. It is true that some of the North east militants speak of ‘Socialism’ (NSCN) and communism ( Meitei outfits like Kangleipak Communist party or the UNLF-an offshoot of Red Guards led by Hijam Irabot) but in all practical purposes there is no effective influence of their declared ‘Socialist’ or ‘Communist’ values.
As far as Tripura is concerned the violence committed by the armed outfits right from TNV, ATPLO, to NLFT, ATTF was never in true sense ‘insurgency’. The armed outfits of Tripura did never have four important characteristics of insurgency i.e popular support, a liberated zone, well defined and highly motivated politico-armed command structures and ideological and political motivations. They are virtually a blend of criminal elements led by some unscrupulous greedy people and are fuelled by strong communal hatred for their neighbours. Their leaders talked to freeing Tripura from the clutch of ‘Hindu Bengalis’ who outnumbered the tribals following partition and resultant influx from erstwhile East Pakistan, committed brutalities in all imaginable forms on the unarmed civilians including their own people and in the process made huge money and started business in foreign countries. The leaders who wanted to become ‘President’ of sovereign Tripura and indulged in violence and man slaughters ultimately find it was more rewarding to become a ‘chairman’ of a government run corporation.
So, despite popular usages in battle strategies formulated by the state as well as in media reports- the ‘Counter Insurgency’ would be a 'misnomer' as far as Tripura is concerned.
Yet, coming back to Human Rights in Counter Insurgency campaign, it is beyond any question that the engagements between the state force and non-state armed actors are inherently fraught with threat of Human Rights violations, as instantaneous decisions by the force in uniform could very well go astray in a conflict zone. The militants do neither care for Human Rights nor are ready to practice it in any form. In reality ultimate success or sporadic achievements of their policies and operations are based exclusively on Human Rights violations only.
In India we can safely say state authority succeeded in combating and containing militancy effectively in three states-Mizoram, Punjab and Tripura.
In Mizoram when the MNF launched Operation Jericho on February 28, 1966 and captured several places including Aizwal and kept it under their full control for eight days, Indian Airforce was used and the fighters strafed on them. This was, perhaps, for the first time in the world at that time that a country used its air force on its own people. The standard of maintenance of Human Rights by the state authority then thus could very well be guessed. Yet, following several sets of negotiations in various parts of the world ultimately the MNF sat for final peace talks and peace indeed returned in Mizoram in 1986. (Later Sri Lankan authority also used air force on LTTE infested areas to flush them out of Killonecchi, Mullaitivu, and other northern parts of the island nation).
In Punjab the militancy- overtly aided by Pakistan under Benazir Bhutto- was fought ruthlessly and decisively by Punjab police led by KPS Gill. The expression - ‘Human Rights- virtually meant nothing then in Punjab. Excessive forces were used and by hardnosed policing the violence was contained.
But in Tripura though the police took the lead role in combating militancy the Human Rights violations were negligible. Offhand only one or two severe Human Rights violations come to mind - one being the Ujan Maidan in 1989 where tribal women were raped by some Assam Rifles jawans and the other being Kutnabari incident on November 6, 1999 where Tripura State Rifles personnel cold bloodedly killed three tribal youths following an ATTF ambush on their colleagues. Then there were some stray reports of Human Rights violations in Takumbari and Chhankhola areas. But in all the cases authorities took strong view and actions were taken against the erring personnel.
The state forces, while combating the non-state armed actors carrying out violence, are virtually left with only three options: First, arrest them and put them to trial in the court of law, second, force them to surrender under pressure and proactive operations of various kinds and help them start a new life with rehabilitation package, and third when both the first two options fail, engage them in encounter which may result in killing or wounding them.
A fallen body - even if it belongs to an insurgent, or Jihadi or a militant- means the basic of Human Rights of a human being to live a full life is essentially curtailed- even if a man in uniform is forced to do it in an encounter for a greater cause or to save many other innocents. Besides, killing cannot be done with a human face or in other words with sympathy. And this is the tragedy that comes haunting for all the combatants in a conflict zone. This is a fact inherent in Counter Insurgency or Counter terrorist operations.
"I have never killed a man, but I have read many obituaries with great pleasure." Clarence Darrow.
As a seminar on Human rights violations in Counter Insurgency Operations gets underway in Prajna Bhawan organized by Tripura Police and Institute of Social Science from today (August 4, 2010) where police officials at various ranks would be discussing one of the most convoluted yet most difficult tasks they face at field level operations, some points also need public appreciation.
Tripura being one of the three states after Mizoram and Punjab where peace returned after decades old armed conflicts is perhaps the right place for holding such a seminar on the important civil right issue. Because it is here that despite bloody engagements for years together the rate of Human Rights violations is extremely low- barring two glaring examples of Ujan Maidan in 1989 and Kutnabari in 1999.
The title of the seminar ‘Human Rights in Counter Insurgency’ first needs clarification. Expectedly the seminar would not confine its deliberations to Tripura only but would dwell extensively with global and national perspectives at backdrop.
But when the word ‘Insurgency’ is used one must keep in mind that in Tripura the armed violence committed by a section of tribal youths since early eighties never graduated to ‘Insurgency’ in its classical connotation. So, in Tripura perspective the title Human Rights in Counter Insurgency would be ‘misplaced’ if not altogether a misnomer.
There are clear parameters to define ‘insurgency’, ‘terrorism’ and ‘militancy’. And as such the task of maintaining Human Rights while dealing with various forms of violent insurrections or acts by non-state actors is shaped by different levels of personal and institutional understanding of the ground situations and restraints.
The question of quantum of force while dealing with the non-state armed actors in field level, especially when it calls for an instantaneous decision, is, indeed, a difficult task for men in uniform. That it poses real dilemma for the security and police officials and personnel was clearly stated by none other than the Chief Justice of Gauhati High Court M B Lokur himself in his key note address in the inaugural session of the seminar. The CJ did neither delve deep into the dilemma nor did he touch upon the various forms of armed violence.
But Human Rights issue is, perhaps, the most important factor in any conflict zone and in dealing with non-state armed actors due to such ‘dilemma’ security personnel or policemen can end up in taking wrong decision resulting in blatant infringement of human rights. The basic idea of Human Rights warrants that it cannot even be denied to the people even if they are engaged in posing serious threat to human life and dignity and civil security in general. In this context it is imperative that we should understand the different meanings and characters of the ‘insurgency’, 'terrorism’ and 'militancy' at first and inherent problems-dilemma- that might come in taking strategic as well as instantaneous decisions for combating the menace.
For example, the reflex and reactions of the security forces or police acting against a Maoist rebel ready to fight the representatives of the ‘oppressive Indian state’ will definitely be, and expected to be, different than his reactions against a Jihadi or Fidayen terrorist from Pakistan or some Afghan mountain who, armed with explosive vests and AKs, is set to indiscriminate manslaughter and kill as many innocents as possible before blowing himself up to his heaven and hurries. Practically, the same security man or police will have different sets of restraint levels and thus at the end different explanations of sacredness of Human Rights.
Coming back to the connotations of armed violence, ‘insurgency’ has been characterised by several parameters. Among them five important factors are:
It is an armed violence committed by a disgruntled section of the society that was till recently been an integral part of the system.
Guided by ideological or strong ethno-centric motivation, they take up arms to fight against the power that be, alien powers included.
They should have a clear, well defined political and armed command structure and hierarchy
They should have some popular support at local level as well as in other sections of the society like intelligentsia, NGOs and pressure groups
And they should have a liberated zone that they seek to expand continuously among others until they capture state power or secede from the homogenous land or drive out others from it
In that sense Maoists in India and Nepal very well fit in the category.
Terrorism - is certainly a broad and all encompassing word that remains in use since the time of Jacobean period of France. In fact from the time of Robespierre there were hundreds of people Hitler, Stalin, Pol Pot to Rwandan or Yugoslavian characters who had resorted to terror tactics to eliminate whomever they felt were in opposition. But, of late, terrorism in Indian context is used to Jihadi terrorism abetted, aided and exported to India from Pakistan. The terrorism of Jihadi kind can be determined by some obvious factors. Broadly they are:
They do not have any clear cut political and armed hierarchy. Al Qaeda is actually a ‘Base’ and it formed the International Islamic Front (IIF) in 1998 with several member organizations. The IIF members or for that matter non-member Islamic Jihadi outfits were free to operate and launch terror campaign on their own at their local levels and were also allowed to transport their terrorists to any other country to commit operations.
Jihadi terrorists are guided by staunch Wahabi Islamic ideology to create a Dar-ul-Islam (Islamic world) which is not limited to any political boundary of a nation state or country. They are not disgruntled group but brainwashed and indoctrinated zombies picked up from backwater localities as well as from important universities. They come from all possible strata of life - Osama Bin Laden from Wealthy Arabian family, an Egyptian doctor Ayman Al Zwahari, an educated engineer in the name of Mohammed Atta from Germany, to a Taliban from rustic Afghan or SWAT province in Pakistan or Sudan.
Their sworn enemies are infidels belonging to non - Islamic faiths like the Jews, Christians, Hindus etc. But in their operations they do not target - like insurgents- specifically but prefer to kill by way of mercenary attacks or bomb explosions or by any violent means as many as possible to undermine the governments run or influenced by infidels.
They, however, are not inclined to capture political power
And their operations are neither confined to any specific areas or boundary and nor there is any scope for any peace negotiations with them.
On the other hand the militancy is characterized by violent activities committed by a group of disgruntled people who feel that they should have their own areas of self determination and rule in their ethno centric homogenous political area. The broad characteristics of the militants are :
Militants function in particular areas of their influence
They mainly target-like insurgents, representatives of the government in power
But unlike insurgents they are neither guided by any motivation to capture the state power in the entire country and put in place a particular ideologically guided government
More often their fight-due to their ethno-centric characters- ultimately boils down to communal confrontations and the targeted victims become their immediate neighbours outside their own ethnic community
There is always scope for peace and political negotiations with them and arrival at a long lasting settlement. And as such militants who once carried out armed violence can very well be absorbed in the society and be allowed to participate in overall development activities.
Considering all these characters North East India’s armed organizations are by and large militants. It is true that some of the North east militants speak of ‘Socialism’ (NSCN) and communism ( Meitei outfits like Kangleipak Communist party or the UNLF-an offshoot of Red Guards led by Hijam Irabot) but in all practical purposes there is no effective influence of their declared ‘Socialist’ or ‘Communist’ values.
As far as Tripura is concerned the violence committed by the armed outfits right from TNV, ATPLO, to NLFT, ATTF was never in true sense ‘insurgency’. The armed outfits of Tripura did never have four important characteristics of insurgency i.e popular support, a liberated zone, well defined and highly motivated politico-armed command structures and ideological and political motivations. They are virtually a blend of criminal elements led by some unscrupulous greedy people and are fuelled by strong communal hatred for their neighbours. Their leaders talked to freeing Tripura from the clutch of ‘Hindu Bengalis’ who outnumbered the tribals following partition and resultant influx from erstwhile East Pakistan, committed brutalities in all imaginable forms on the unarmed civilians including their own people and in the process made huge money and started business in foreign countries. The leaders who wanted to become ‘President’ of sovereign Tripura and indulged in violence and man slaughters ultimately find it was more rewarding to become a ‘chairman’ of a government run corporation.
So, despite popular usages in battle strategies formulated by the state as well as in media reports- the ‘Counter Insurgency’ would be a 'misnomer' as far as Tripura is concerned.
Yet, coming back to Human Rights in Counter Insurgency campaign, it is beyond any question that the engagements between the state force and non-state armed actors are inherently fraught with threat of Human Rights violations, as instantaneous decisions by the force in uniform could very well go astray in a conflict zone. The militants do neither care for Human Rights nor are ready to practice it in any form. In reality ultimate success or sporadic achievements of their policies and operations are based exclusively on Human Rights violations only.
In India we can safely say state authority succeeded in combating and containing militancy effectively in three states-Mizoram, Punjab and Tripura.
In Mizoram when the MNF launched Operation Jericho on February 28, 1966 and captured several places including Aizwal and kept it under their full control for eight days, Indian Airforce was used and the fighters strafed on them. This was, perhaps, for the first time in the world at that time that a country used its air force on its own people. The standard of maintenance of Human Rights by the state authority then thus could very well be guessed. Yet, following several sets of negotiations in various parts of the world ultimately the MNF sat for final peace talks and peace indeed returned in Mizoram in 1986. (Later Sri Lankan authority also used air force on LTTE infested areas to flush them out of Killonecchi, Mullaitivu, and other northern parts of the island nation).
In Punjab the militancy- overtly aided by Pakistan under Benazir Bhutto- was fought ruthlessly and decisively by Punjab police led by KPS Gill. The expression - ‘Human Rights- virtually meant nothing then in Punjab. Excessive forces were used and by hardnosed policing the violence was contained.
But in Tripura though the police took the lead role in combating militancy the Human Rights violations were negligible. Offhand only one or two severe Human Rights violations come to mind - one being the Ujan Maidan in 1989 where tribal women were raped by some Assam Rifles jawans and the other being Kutnabari incident on November 6, 1999 where Tripura State Rifles personnel cold bloodedly killed three tribal youths following an ATTF ambush on their colleagues. Then there were some stray reports of Human Rights violations in Takumbari and Chhankhola areas. But in all the cases authorities took strong view and actions were taken against the erring personnel.
The state forces, while combating the non-state armed actors carrying out violence, are virtually left with only three options: First, arrest them and put them to trial in the court of law, second, force them to surrender under pressure and proactive operations of various kinds and help them start a new life with rehabilitation package, and third when both the first two options fail, engage them in encounter which may result in killing or wounding them.
A fallen body - even if it belongs to an insurgent, or Jihadi or a militant- means the basic of Human Rights of a human being to live a full life is essentially curtailed- even if a man in uniform is forced to do it in an encounter for a greater cause or to save many other innocents. Besides, killing cannot be done with a human face or in other words with sympathy. And this is the tragedy that comes haunting for all the combatants in a conflict zone. This is a fact inherent in Counter Insurgency or Counter terrorist operations.
ISI ‘SUB INSPECTOR'’- WHAT IS IT ANYWAY?
By Manas Paul
The local newspapers recently carried a news item on arrested ISI operative Munir Khan who had been produced before an Agartala court in July last. According to news reports, which ostensibly quoted from police docket, Khan told the investigating and interrogating cops that he was ‘Sub Inspector” of ISI.
If this was ‘true’ than there something indeed is seriously amiss.
The fact is there is no rank as “Sub Inspector” in ISI.
The ISI or ‘Inter Services Intelligence’ is essentially a military organization of Pakistan. It was formed in 1947 by a British military officer Maj. Gen R Cawthorn. The ISI –always commanded by Pak military generals at the rank ‘Lt General’- called Director General- is virtually a counterpart of military intelligence of India. Present Director General of ISI is Lt Gen. Ahmed Suja Pasha. Pakistan’s military chief General A. Kiyani had also been once the ISI chief.
The ISI is formed with two main components –one is military and the other is civil recruits. The military officers are deputed in the ISI for maximum three years so as to limit their influence. The civilians are recruited in the ISI through Federal Public Service Commission of Pakistan through intensive scrutiny, checks and cross checks in their past, ideological, religious, political, social beliefs and mindset. The civilian recruits are also given military rank but they are not allowed to hold the rank above ‘Major’-which are exclusively reserved for the direct military officers.
The ISI's has seven departments known as ‘ Joint Intelligence X’, ‘Joint Intelligence Bureau’, ‘Joint Counter Intelligence Bureau’, ‘Joint Intelligence North’, ‘Joint Intelligence Miscellaneous’, ‘Joint Signal Intelligence Bureau’ and ‘Joint Intelligence technical’.
Among them JIB and JIM are considered most powerful. While JIB looks after intelligence gathering –political and otherwise- it has sub departments, one among them specifically for India. JIN was also exclusively meant for Jammu and Kashmir while JIM is entrusted with the dirty jobs which include among others offensive espionage, sabotage, surveillance etc.
It is quite likely that Munir Khan was entrusted with the offensive mission under JIM.
The mission could be anything – from reactivating HUJI-B in an attempt to assassinate Sheikh Hasina either in Bangladesh or during her proposed Agartala visit, to reporting the ground level condition in view of the recent development relating to Indo-Bangla bilateral trade and imminent opening up of Ashuganj and even Chittagong port for Tripura, or cultivating disgruntled section (smugglers et al) that might get affected in case of new trade and transit opportunities, or even strengthening hawala racket for future use.
Besides, the ISI, like most of the intelligence services of the world, is not known for sending their own ranking officers in foreign country to work as ‘deep cover’ or ‘sleeper’ agent. The task is usually given to recruits – a common man selected carefully- from outside the organization after proper training indoctrination and acclimatization. This also gives the recruiting organization a scope for deniability in case of exposure or arrest.
Khan’s claim that he had been recruited from Bahawalpur of Punjab province in Pakistan fits in this context. That he was trained for three months by ISI in Bahawalpur and Multan is also believable. But none in his right mind would accept that ISI sent an ‘officer’-that too, a probationer- who had only three months training in espionage business to work in a far off place like Bangladesh-Tripura-Assam.
The claim that Khan was a ‘Sub Inspector’ of ISI is thus far from the truth. It is likely that Khan was bluffing and the cops had believed in it to incorporate his supposed ‘ISI rank’.
Such slip-if it really occurred in police docket-also does neither add to the image of the police nor in long run to the case when placed for trial in the court of law.
The local newspapers recently carried a news item on arrested ISI operative Munir Khan who had been produced before an Agartala court in July last. According to news reports, which ostensibly quoted from police docket, Khan told the investigating and interrogating cops that he was ‘Sub Inspector” of ISI.
If this was ‘true’ than there something indeed is seriously amiss.
The fact is there is no rank as “Sub Inspector” in ISI.
The ISI or ‘Inter Services Intelligence’ is essentially a military organization of Pakistan. It was formed in 1947 by a British military officer Maj. Gen R Cawthorn. The ISI –always commanded by Pak military generals at the rank ‘Lt General’- called Director General- is virtually a counterpart of military intelligence of India. Present Director General of ISI is Lt Gen. Ahmed Suja Pasha. Pakistan’s military chief General A. Kiyani had also been once the ISI chief.
The ISI is formed with two main components –one is military and the other is civil recruits. The military officers are deputed in the ISI for maximum three years so as to limit their influence. The civilians are recruited in the ISI through Federal Public Service Commission of Pakistan through intensive scrutiny, checks and cross checks in their past, ideological, religious, political, social beliefs and mindset. The civilian recruits are also given military rank but they are not allowed to hold the rank above ‘Major’-which are exclusively reserved for the direct military officers.
The ISI's has seven departments known as ‘ Joint Intelligence X’, ‘Joint Intelligence Bureau’, ‘Joint Counter Intelligence Bureau’, ‘Joint Intelligence North’, ‘Joint Intelligence Miscellaneous’, ‘Joint Signal Intelligence Bureau’ and ‘Joint Intelligence technical’.
Among them JIB and JIM are considered most powerful. While JIB looks after intelligence gathering –political and otherwise- it has sub departments, one among them specifically for India. JIN was also exclusively meant for Jammu and Kashmir while JIM is entrusted with the dirty jobs which include among others offensive espionage, sabotage, surveillance etc.
It is quite likely that Munir Khan was entrusted with the offensive mission under JIM.
The mission could be anything – from reactivating HUJI-B in an attempt to assassinate Sheikh Hasina either in Bangladesh or during her proposed Agartala visit, to reporting the ground level condition in view of the recent development relating to Indo-Bangla bilateral trade and imminent opening up of Ashuganj and even Chittagong port for Tripura, or cultivating disgruntled section (smugglers et al) that might get affected in case of new trade and transit opportunities, or even strengthening hawala racket for future use.
Besides, the ISI, like most of the intelligence services of the world, is not known for sending their own ranking officers in foreign country to work as ‘deep cover’ or ‘sleeper’ agent. The task is usually given to recruits – a common man selected carefully- from outside the organization after proper training indoctrination and acclimatization. This also gives the recruiting organization a scope for deniability in case of exposure or arrest.
Khan’s claim that he had been recruited from Bahawalpur of Punjab province in Pakistan fits in this context. That he was trained for three months by ISI in Bahawalpur and Multan is also believable. But none in his right mind would accept that ISI sent an ‘officer’-that too, a probationer- who had only three months training in espionage business to work in a far off place like Bangladesh-Tripura-Assam.
The claim that Khan was a ‘Sub Inspector’ of ISI is thus far from the truth. It is likely that Khan was bluffing and the cops had believed in it to incorporate his supposed ‘ISI rank’.
Such slip-if it really occurred in police docket-also does neither add to the image of the police nor in long run to the case when placed for trial in the court of law.
Friday, May 14, 2010
TRIBUTE TO A DACOIT –SAMBA THE SNIPER
By Manas Paul
He was the best ‘sniper’ that the typical Indian film could ever think of---a sniper with an ever silent rifle. He did neither believe in blazing guns nor did he appear trigger happy like others of his ilk. He never shot. He was simply different. Throughout the film he sat quietly on top of a rocky dusty hillock holding an ancient .303 rifle across his lap for years guarding his Sardar who was constantly engaged in violent dramatics –laughing and killing in same breath or in leisurely time chewing Khaini or baring his dirty leering teeth. His loyalty to his Sardar was so religious that his menacing presence was enough. In fact, none in Rampur or in the cinema hall needed to tell that the silent and bearded dacoit up the rocky hills sitting alone was a sure shot and could pick up anyone who would try to act funny or simply disagree with the Sardar.
But Samba did not fight, he did not argue, he did not ride horse and did not show any violence at all. Yet without Samba, you just cannot think of Sholay. Without Samba Gabbar Singh was insecure-almost naked.
The Sardar, who preferred to shout his cohorts’ guts out, also apparently ‘loved’ Samba because time and again he was heard screaming—evidently to reassure his own unquestioned leadership—‘Arre o Samba…’
I like many of my age grew up with Sholay and its Amjad Khan-the Gabbar Singh, watching this movie umpteen times. Like millions of Indians I still remember all those Gabbar dialogues, desperate Dharmendra antiques to impress irritatingly talkative Hema Mailini, cool Amitabha trying to feel the almost supernatural existence of a white clad young widow, calculating Thakur personified by Sanjeev Kumar and his simple village valet Satyen Kappu, British jamane ki stupid jailor Asrani with a Hitler’s moustache, funny Surma Jagdeep Bhopali with his cock and bull stories, wise and heavenly Imam AK Hangal, even barber-the-jail bird Keshto.... All the characters acted out their parts so beautifully with so perfect unison that Sholay became the first Indian movie which was in all sense ‘total’ and till date the most popular in the entire sub-continent. Many cynic may find some of the shots true to Bollywood tradition were copied from Charles Bronson’s Red Sun or even How the West was Won...but there would be no doubt that Amjad Khan or in other words ‘Gabbar Singh-the-dacoit Sardar’ was ‘superb’-the ‘best’ in performance among a huge array of superstars. Then if Amjad Khan became world famous for his immortal performance as Gabbar Singh, it was also the man, who christened with an Irish sounding name Macmohan, became known with an unlikely Brazilian dance title ‘Samba’ across the country as the film Sholay kept on enthralling three generation in a row.
But what I actually found amazing was that it was Samba who made a world record: without any acting or performing any feat at all –only sitting silent with his rifle and an unassuming smile and a single dialogue- he could also become such a popular name.
Throughout his ‘career’ as ‘Baagi’ in the treacherous world of Chambal with a frightened Rampur in the periphery reeling under the ever present shadow of scary Gabbar, he spoke only once— ‘Poora Pachaash Hazaar, Sardar’.
And it was an instant hit.
It was perhaps the second best known dialogue of the film after Biju Khote-the- Kalia’s ‘ Hamne apka nimak khaya hai Sardar’.
Who should be given the credit...Sippy saab or Samba a ka Macmohan himself or the script writer Javed Akhtar?
We have already lost the great villains of our Indian films- K N Singh, Premnath, Ajit, Amjad Khan, Madan Puri, Omshib Puri, Amrish Puri et al. Recently, when Macmohan died we have also lost a quintessential silent sidearm of a filmy villain.
Of course, there were many henchmen besides their villainous Bosses, say for example, suave and well dressed Ajit-the-Leon (Lion) had all along with him his sidekicks ‘Micaaal’ and Mona Darrrrling. But can you really remember their faces? I doubt.
But when they said Macmohan has left us on May 10 last, we immediately recognized the face in the rocky upland—typical dacoit attire with bullet belts across his chest. And do not you feel that his was an uncommon face?
Macmohan seemed to me consciously sported beard to hide his sunken cheek and he dared to appear in all the films without any change. After Sholay I have of course come across Macmohan in some more films...mostly perfectly dressed, often with sunglasses but his role was still not very important as an actor besides the raging villains. Starting from Haqeeqat in 1964 he acted in almost 180 films. But Samba kept on shadowing him. In most of the films he seldom spoke, barring perhaps Karz where he was with Premnath. Despite his long career as a baddie he could never become an underworld Don.
Once, however, I saw him as a reporter attired in stereotype pyjama and punjabi with jhola for a brief appearance. I cannot remember the film but in one I have seen the ‘bad guy’ in a virtuous police officer’s dress also. The last film I saw Macmohan in was a recent comedy where Raju Srivastava, Sunil Paul, Asrani –all were there. The name of the film sounded like something ‘Bombay to Goa’. In this film I saw Samba had become old with greying beard and too many wrinkles in his face. In fact by then he was suffering from lung cancer.
The expression in Macmohan’s face always appeared to me as bored by the pathos of life and thus exuding an air of philosophical understanding. The face never betrayed any overt emotion, perhaps, except an ever present twinkle in his eyes... as if they found something indeed amusing also in the world.
I often wonder Samba might have also felt that his Sardar Gabbar Singh was eccentric full of all sounds and furies but destined to be mauled by a handless Thakur. He maintained a respectable distance from his Sardar. Perhaps the illiterate Baagi in the Chambals knew by experience the management mantra of the present day corporate world – always keep distance from the Boss or you would invite trouble. So he spent his hours up in the rocks –perhaps in a strategic corner far from the reach of hot headed Gabbar’s country-made revolver. Samba was a wise guy. Cool, calm, menacing who did not act, who did not perform but also he did not let you forget him. He was there all the time and, believe me, Samba will remain there as long as great old Bollywood keep on producing movies throwing up stars who burn bright for a while and then go to oblivion for ever. Even if ‘Macmohan’ is not remembered Samba will certainly be .
Friday, May 7, 2010
A WEEPING JIHADI AND HIS HEAVEN AND HOURIES
By Manas Paul
I am not sure whether any warrior of Islam hanged to death by a court after trial would attain 'Vehst' and -as such be eligible for those heavenly 'houries' with beautiful black eyes. As far as I understand, perhaps, Kasav had lost his claim to those paragons of divine beauty when he wept and admitted 'guilt' in Mumbai on 26/11. Neither his handlers in Pakistan nor the 16-year old houries somewhere up in the paradise would be impressed at a terrorist trained to kill the 'Kafirs' and to sacrifice himself for the cause of Islam crying in the public for his own life. This was shame for a jihadi ...
This is not for the first time, however, that such a question came to my mind. Last year I was reading a book 'The Siege of Mecca' by Yaroslav Trofimov. At that time also I was equally uncertain about the fate of that Bedouin fanatic Juhayman al Uteibi who along with his followers had seized Holy Mecca on November 20, 1979 demanding that 'Mehdi' had arrived. He and his stupid followers killed hundreds of Muslim pilgrims only to be later captured and happily beheaded by the Saudi Monarch.
Then, there was a man near our neighbourhood with a funny name 'Bangla Bhai'. He was also trying to make his way up into heaven throwing crude bombs here and there and killing some bystanders or poets or intellectuals. At last it was, however, not the bombs but the rope that ended his dream run to divinity.
I was wondering what could be their fates-- those Juhayman and Bangla Bhai--I mean after their death. I did not have any 'Wahabi' inspired fanatic in Tripura whom I could ask for the answer. But then I remembered Mohammed Hanif - the celebrated Pakistani writer of 'Exploding Mangoes'- who had some answer: 'God's Glory, God's Glory, every monkey has a hourie'.
But all those good wine and women in heavens aside, none could rule out some very un-heavenly developments that might follow the death sentence to Kasav.
For me Kasav stood strangely apart like a sore thumb. He was perhaps the first Fidayen -the suicide attacker- who was caught alive and stood trial in the court of law, he was the first dreaded terrorist who cried openly and in the public and he happened to be an enemy of a state that willy-nilly but relentlessly goes overboard to strengthen her democratic image. Considering these three major shortcomings Kasav seems to have little chance to be called as a true warrior of Islam as per the LeT standard. In fine, India has deprived Kasav of not only his earthly existence but also of his so cherished carnal pleasures beyond death for which he had taken that much of risk and butchered so many innocent people...
Nevertheless, I am certain some fanatics somewhere in Pakistani slums or Afghani mountains or even in some far off places like Sudan would like to come up with some new interpretation of Jihadi Sahadaat and pray for Kasav's transportation to his heaven and houries straight from the Mumbai gallows. If Kasav is 'lucky', there is also possibility of Osama bin Laden coming up with a tape for public distribution through Al Jazeera praising the young terrorist for his great man slaughter.
In today's (Friday) newspaper I read some Human Rights activists demanded life sentence for Kasav instead of capital punishment. They felt death sentence could not be a deterrent for terrorist attacks and as such he should be buried alive in prison for life. As far as Indian standard sentiment is concerned this did appear to me neither surprising nor intriguing. It was, in fact, quite expected that professional Humanrightswallas would take to roads to save Kasav from death. If anything surprising was there, it was their hitherto maintained conspicuous silence on the issue. This time the HRmasters had evidently kept in mind the prevalent situation. And they are except some token protests unlikely to act Teesta Shitalabad or suffer the Arundhuti syndrome finding blatant faults in the government establishments both in India and Pakistan for which 'Kasav could have very well been a victim' sort of thing. But, Kasav still has a chance to test his destiny. He can appeal to higher court and even go up to the President of India for clemency.
And as far as political considerations are concerned Ajmal Kasav was far more a hot potato than Afjal Guru. But still we are certainly not Israel nor do we have a cigarette smoking Golda Meir who would like to bring outright 'Wrath of Gods' to the perpetrator of inhuman killings.
In recent time there were five more state executions in our region - the hanging of five Mujib killers in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh or for that matter in the entire world the execution was hailed as it was seen as bringing the brute murderers of the Bangladesh President to justice. They were hanged in celebration. Six more were still on the run and being hunted world over. Since the Mujib assassins were allegedly acting at the behest of an American, and that too, a Jew named Mr Henri Kissinger, Col Frouk and his cohorts were unlikely to be blessed too..
But as far as Kasav is concerned, let me be frank, I am not quite sure about the passport of a weeping jihadi's journey to Heaven and his houries--those 'pearls hidden in shells on whom there would be no dust and whom neither any man nor a jinn had ever touched'.
This is not for the first time, however, that such a question came to my mind. Last year I was reading a book 'The Siege of Mecca' by Yaroslav Trofimov. At that time also I was equally uncertain about the fate of that Bedouin fanatic Juhayman al Uteibi who along with his followers had seized Holy Mecca on November 20, 1979 demanding that 'Mehdi' had arrived. He and his stupid followers killed hundreds of Muslim pilgrims only to be later captured and happily beheaded by the Saudi Monarch.
Then, there was a man near our neighbourhood with a funny name 'Bangla Bhai'. He was also trying to make his way up into heaven throwing crude bombs here and there and killing some bystanders or poets or intellectuals. At last it was, however, not the bombs but the rope that ended his dream run to divinity.
I was wondering what could be their fates-- those Juhayman and Bangla Bhai--I mean after their death. I did not have any 'Wahabi' inspired fanatic in Tripura whom I could ask for the answer. But then I remembered Mohammed Hanif - the celebrated Pakistani writer of 'Exploding Mangoes'- who had some answer: 'God's Glory, God's Glory, every monkey has a hourie'.
But all those good wine and women in heavens aside, none could rule out some very un-heavenly developments that might follow the death sentence to Kasav.
For me Kasav stood strangely apart like a sore thumb. He was perhaps the first Fidayen -the suicide attacker- who was caught alive and stood trial in the court of law, he was the first dreaded terrorist who cried openly and in the public and he happened to be an enemy of a state that willy-nilly but relentlessly goes overboard to strengthen her democratic image. Considering these three major shortcomings Kasav seems to have little chance to be called as a true warrior of Islam as per the LeT standard. In fine, India has deprived Kasav of not only his earthly existence but also of his so cherished carnal pleasures beyond death for which he had taken that much of risk and butchered so many innocent people...
Nevertheless, I am certain some fanatics somewhere in Pakistani slums or Afghani mountains or even in some far off places like Sudan would like to come up with some new interpretation of Jihadi Sahadaat and pray for Kasav's transportation to his heaven and houries straight from the Mumbai gallows. If Kasav is 'lucky', there is also possibility of Osama bin Laden coming up with a tape for public distribution through Al Jazeera praising the young terrorist for his great man slaughter.
In today's (Friday) newspaper I read some Human Rights activists demanded life sentence for Kasav instead of capital punishment. They felt death sentence could not be a deterrent for terrorist attacks and as such he should be buried alive in prison for life. As far as Indian standard sentiment is concerned this did appear to me neither surprising nor intriguing. It was, in fact, quite expected that professional Humanrightswallas would take to roads to save Kasav from death. If anything surprising was there, it was their hitherto maintained conspicuous silence on the issue. This time the HRmasters had evidently kept in mind the prevalent situation. And they are except some token protests unlikely to act Teesta Shitalabad or suffer the Arundhuti syndrome finding blatant faults in the government establishments both in India and Pakistan for which 'Kasav could have very well been a victim' sort of thing. But, Kasav still has a chance to test his destiny. He can appeal to higher court and even go up to the President of India for clemency.
And as far as political considerations are concerned Ajmal Kasav was far more a hot potato than Afjal Guru. But still we are certainly not Israel nor do we have a cigarette smoking Golda Meir who would like to bring outright 'Wrath of Gods' to the perpetrator of inhuman killings.
In recent time there were five more state executions in our region - the hanging of five Mujib killers in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh or for that matter in the entire world the execution was hailed as it was seen as bringing the brute murderers of the Bangladesh President to justice. They were hanged in celebration. Six more were still on the run and being hunted world over. Since the Mujib assassins were allegedly acting at the behest of an American, and that too, a Jew named Mr Henri Kissinger, Col Frouk and his cohorts were unlikely to be blessed too..
But as far as Kasav is concerned, let me be frank, I am not quite sure about the passport of a weeping jihadi's journey to Heaven and his houries--those 'pearls hidden in shells on whom there would be no dust and whom neither any man nor a jinn had ever touched'.
DEVATAMURA: ENCHANTED, MYSTERIOUS AND-LOST
By Manas Paul
Wrapped in deep winter mist and soft chill, quiet flows the river Gomati - piercing through two massive mountains and moist verdure-to an ancient place- a place that has long been forgotten and long forsaken- Devatamura. It is where far, far from the madding crowd the 16th century amazing rock cuts despite their immense archeological splendors and importance stand desolate and forlorn. Devatamura is like Kublai Khan's Xanadu - enchanted, mysterious and isolated. But the vagaries of time and unforgivable apathy of the ASI and state government have taken the toll. Now this archeological treasure is on the verge of extinction.
Located deep in the forest with no human anywhere within 50 to 60 kms of its radius the two panels of the rock cuts- several miles apart - of unspecified deities of Hindu pantheon- just carved out at the steep rocky face of straight cliff that descends directly to the river bed about 150-200 feet below - are the archaeological splendour that is quite literally in the middle of nowhere. The only sounds here are those of nature - like the river which, after charting an arduous course through hills and dales, forests and verdure, gurgles like a baby in its cradle, or the birds that chirp as if to humour it.
Located deep in the forest with no human anywhere within 50 to 60 kms of its radius the two panels of the rock cuts- several miles apart - of unspecified deities of Hindu pantheon- just carved out at the steep rocky face of straight cliff that descends directly to the river bed about 150-200 feet below - are the archaeological splendour that is quite literally in the middle of nowhere. The only sounds here are those of nature - like the river which, after charting an arduous course through hills and dales, forests and verdure, gurgles like a baby in its cradle, or the birds that chirp as if to humour it.
THE TRAVEL THAT MAKES YOU A PART OF THE WILD
The two densely forested high hills that made the deep crevice through which the Gomati slowly and silently travels to reach Udaipur miles and miles ahead, is so densely green in mid-December that even a single unknown tree with a patch of white bark would immediately invite attention of the traveling tourists in the country-made boats far below.
If you want to escape from the daily drudgery that makes you so tired and often, insensible,- then drive your car up to Gomati ghat at Rangamati near Amarpur in South Tripura and rent a boat for a day's cruise down the stream for an encounter with the wild and the exotic manifestation of ancient arts. The experience for those ready to take the difficult trip is, indeed, rewarding. Only thing you must not forget is to carry dry foods and bottled water along. For the next 10 hours or so you will be on boat traveling in the wilderness. During the mesmerizing cruise through the all pervasive emerald green, it is a pall of hushed silence- a silence that oozes out from the dark wood, from the springy weeds, the damp ferns, the cunning creepers and the wintry mist that loosely drapes the tree leaves up in the mountain ridges- is your only companion.
As the boat floats in the hypnotic ambience, the huge and deeply dark unknown trees and flowering shrubs hanging awkwardly over the swollen river exude an earthly smell in abundance. A little torrent of a stream that emerges from nowhere behind a lonely moist stone- trickles down to meet the mighty and indifferent -Gomati and then gets lost without making any ripple- accepting the fate and embracing the long awaited union with a bigger entity.
The isolation is now and then accentuated by rasping of an elderly monkey hidden somewhere in the bushy banyan tree, or by an unidentified bird breaking into a sudden flight overhead or by an unknown creature slinking into dense foliage.
The sounds seem suggestive - only to add an element of expectancy and uncertainty that would grow with every passing moment in the human heart. "I won't be surprised if an anaconda emerges from the river. Its like experiencing the Amazon", murmured Biswajit Bhattacharjee, a young IT professional.
The 'possibility' and the 'feel' of a huge 'anaconda' indeed following you silently beneath the boat- is unsettling, for a moment. As the woods turns more magnetic, more inviting, more you loose your worldly moorings. You become a part of the wood. A part of the green, and the water, and the Wild.
And then, all of a sudden on your right appears the grand archeological rock cuts sculptured at the stony face of the cliff- a steep decline that is partly seen, partly covered by weeds, creepers and undergrowth.
THE MAJESTIC ROCK DEITIES
"This is where you wanted to come. Look, how beautiful". Dharma Jamatia, the tribal boatman, made his first uttering in three hours while two of his companions 'both Bengalis- who had already warmed up themselves with considerable gulps of local brew, slowly veer the boat towards the rive edge near the rock cuts. "But, seldom people come here", one of them rued. At that moment Subhash Das, former Director of Information, Cultural Affairs and Tourism of Tripura government also broke his long silence. He was lost in himself looking intently at the nature for the last three hours. "None knows exactly how and when those ancient artists carved out these rock cuts, but apparently these are about 500-700 years old" he said ' telling no one in particular.
According to legend in 16th century a Moghul expedition led by Houtan Khan defeated the Tripura King Amar Manikya (1577-86) who ruled from Amarpur at that time. The King took refuge in this deep forest at Gomati's bank. An artist who was also with the king in hiding found out his leisurely time and sculpted the two panels filled with deities, and something that resemblance a King's procession..
"There were bullet marks in the rock cuts.It is likely that the Mughal soldiers while cruising past the rock cut opened fire at them. In fact, we had found some irons possibly remnants of the bullets", said Swapan Nandi, an eminent artist of the state.
"Even at the base of the rock cut that appears to be of Durga you will find symbols that look like wine glasses of the Mughals. We believe that as the Moghul soldiers could not destroy the rock cuts with cannon firing, they sculpted wine glasses at the base of the Hindu deity", Nandi said. Das pointed out that though it is quite likely that the sculptures were made during the time of Maharaja Amar Manikya exact date can be ascertained only by experts.
"But if you look at the cliff face where the rock cuts were chiseled, you can imagine the desperation and devotion of the artists. Even today it is simply impossible to touch those massive sculptures that stand about 200 feet directly above the river bed. It is indeed amazing how in those days the artists could find out the place in such a wilderness and stood over the river with their chisels. A matter of ancient miracles", said Das, presently chairman of Tripura Small scale Industries Corporation.
"I have traveled across the world and seen many a world heritage site and I find this one no less a wonderful archeological splendor in comparison to them", he added.
THE APATHY AND THE UNFORGIVABLE LOSS
Boatman, senior bureaucrat, artists-all, however, agree in one point: the Archeological Survey of India has done nothing to preserve the ancient site. Nor has the state government done anything to make it a tourist spot. The result is --the rock cuts that stood silently for ages are now in ruins and many more sculpted panels that were evidently there at a point of time are peeling off the rock face.
"Even last time I remember some more panels were there which I do not see now. The apathy is unforgivable. It is a sin. It simply tells of our lack of sense of history and culture", said Priti Achariya, a poet. Then she added: Can you imagine, had these ancient sites been in a foreign country what kind of importance would have been attached to it and how they would go all out to make it an important tourist destination?
"It is true that Devatamura is not a favored tourist destination. None really seemed interested to come here", Das agreed.
"The ASI failed to do anything for the site. And it would be completely lost within next five years if immediate steps are not taken in right earnest to preserve this magnificent site. We have to really, really do something 'immediately", he added.
The points taken and understood. But none actually believes that the ASI or the state government would suddenly discover the importance of the ancient site. The ASI has already miserably failed to protect other historical sites like Unakoti, Pilak and Boxanagar Buddhist centre located in more easy places across Tripura. So, there is no reason to be hopeful that they would come here in the deep forest to protect the rock cuts at inaccessible mountain face.
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